This text has been uploaded to ftp://ftp.neosoft.com/pub/users/claird/sci.anthropology/texts/domestication/Anatolian_pigs by claird@NeoSoft.com, with the permission of its author, Dr. Redding, Richard.Redding@um.cc.umich.edu. A PostScript version of the paper is available on request. ________________________________________________________________________ The Evolution of Human Subsistence Behavior and Food Production in Southern Anatolia Richard W. Redding This paper was prepared for oral presentation at the Society for American Archaeology annual meeting in Anaheim, California, on 21 April 1994. Please do not cite without permission of the author. The Evolution of Human Subsistence Behavior and Food Production in Southern Anatolia Richard W. Redding Recently, the discussion of the origin of food production in the Middle East and North Africa has been shaped largely by data from the Levant. The Levantine data are coming from one cultural area in which human subsistence behavior evolved from hunting and gathering to food production within a set of ecological zones which contained an array of plant and animal taxa and which underwent a pattern of environmental change. It is very likely that other human populations in the Near East and North Africa evolved food production in a different set of ecological zones which contained distinct arrays of taxa and which had their own history of environmental change. Hence, relying too heavily on the Levantine data to develop, examine and test general ideas about the origin of food production in the Middle East and North Africa may result in a very narrow view of the origin of food production. Indeed, if our goal is to produce a general explanation of the origin of food production relying only on the Levantine data may produce a particularistic model or explanation. Further, it may blind us to important variation. One area for which we have an increasing data set is the area of southeastern Anatolia and the northern Zagros. Reports are available for several sites including Nemrik 9, M'lefaat, €ay”n, Asikli, Nevali €ori, and Zawi €emi Shanidar. Unfortunately, the reporting of critical faunal and floral data, to date, has been spotty. Recent excavations at the site of Hallan €emi have provided a body of data with which one can examine ideas about the development of food production. Although the analyses of the various types of data are incomplete the early phases in the evolution of food production at Hallan €emi seem to differ markedly from the process in the Levant. In particular, sedentism at Hallan €emi appears to have occurred in the absence of the intensive use or cereals. The excavations at Hallan €emi have yielded over 1.5 tons of faunal remains. The identification of this material is continuing but enough of the fauna has been identified to allow preliminary analysis. What information on the process of the evolution of food production and animal domestication does the Hallan €emi fauna provide? The Hallan €emi Fauna I think that the Hallan €emi faunal remains are of extreme interest for two reasons. First, the data set will allow us to test ideas about the evolution of human subsistence behavior, in particular, how and why domestication arose. Second, the sample is large enough that multiple criteria that may provide evidence of domestication can be examined for each of the taxa. The most frequently used, and the most reliable, criteria of domestication are morphological changes. Unfortunately, most of the morphological changes documented probably manifested themselves long after domestication occurred Meadow 1989). Other criteria that may be used to identify domestication in a sample from a taxa include, size reduction, changes in the age structure of the animals occurring in the deposits, changes in sex ratios and changes in species ratios. These criteria probably can be detected more rapidly after animals are domesticated. It is these non-morphological criteria that I thought could be applied at Hallan €emi. When I first started the Hallan €emi fauna I planned to focus on size change in sheep and goats over time. Did sheep decrease in size over time while the size of a non- domesticatable taxa, like red deer, remained stable? After the size analysis I planned to use changes in age and sex structure of the samples and changes in species ratios to test the information provided by the analysis of size data. Sample size is frequently a problem with faunal remains from archaeological sites. However, this is not the case at Hallan €emi. The report I will present today is based on an examination of over 22,000 specimens of which about 3300 were limb, skull and teeth fragments that could be identified. This is only about 15% of the total sample with which I have to work. The faunal material is in extremely good condition. Evidence of carnivore gnawing is rare and the "soft" element ends (e.g.: proximal humerus, distal femur and proximal tibia) are present in both the fused and unfused states. All this suggests that the sample has not been heavily biased by non- human activities and that patterns in the sample probably are the result of human subsistence behavior. The most common taxa at Hallan €emi, based on number of identified specimens (NISP), are sheep and goats ( 991), Mauremys caspica (the Caspian terrapin)(816), red deer (591), and the pig (334). Excluding the red deer and Caspian terrapin as potential domesticates, the taxa that need to be closely examined are the sheep-goats and the pig. Sheep-goats - There is no morphological evidence of domestication in any of the Hallan €emi samples of sheep and goat bones. Hence, we must closely examine other sources of evidence for any indications of domestication in sheep and goats. Perhaps the most convincing source of evidence of domestication is size reduction in a population. At Hallan €emi I planned to test the size of the sheep-goats in the upper one meter against the sample in the lower three meters. Unfortunately, most of the units I have examined so far are from the lower three meters. The sample of measured specimens from the upper meter is not large enough yet to perform a test. Hence, reduction in size is a criterion that will have to be examined in future work. The area around Hallan €emi is an ideal habitat for wild sheep or for grazing domestic sheep. The rolling hills were probably covered with an open oak-pistachio forest. Domestic goat could have been kept locally but the nearest habitat for wild goat is several kilometers away on the slopes of the nearby mountains. The ratio of sheep to goats, based on NISP, is 8:1. Given the fact that sheep would have been nearby and goats would have been distant, this ratio suggests hunting, as a ratio this biased towards sheep is unusual in domestic flocks. This figure (Figure 1) illustrates the sheep-goat survivorship based on fusion of limb specimens from all the Hallan €emi samples. Brian Hesse (1982) has prepared a figure illustrating the survivorship data for 9 sites in the Zagros. The sites produce two groupings of survivorship curves. The first group has a high survivorship, about 70%, at 36 months. The sheep and goats at these sites are undoubtedly wild. The second group exhibits low survivorship, about 40%, at 36 months. The sheep-goats at these sites are domestic. The curve for the combined samples of Hallan €emi clearly is of the first type and is evidence of the use of wild sheep-goats. Please note that this figure also includes the survivorship curve for the red deer. Note the strong similarity between the two curves. The secondary sex ratio - the ratio at birth - in wild populations of sheep and goats is about 1:1. The tertiary sex ratio - sexual maturity - is usually slightly biased towards females (Geist 1971, Schaller 1977). Hence, if sheep and goats are being hunted in a random fashion the sex ratio in the faunal remains should approximate 1:1. In sheep and goats the pubis, atlas and axis can be reliably sexed. Fourteen fragments in the samples from Hallan €emi could be sexed: 11 were from males and 3 from females. This is an extremely male biased sex ratio, one which is typical of consumption from a domestic flocks. But given the absence of additional evidence for domestication at the site other explanations should be examined. An alternative explanation for this biased ratio is that it is the result of selective hunting of males. This would suggest management of local flocks of wild sheep. For sheep and goats at Hallan €emi we have no evidence of domestication. Indeed the survivorship curve suggests the sheep- goat remains in the site are the result of hunting wild populations. But, the sex ratio suggests that managed hunting of the local wild populations may have been practiced Pig - Morphological characteristics of domestication are restricted to the skull in pigs and no partial or complete pig skulls were recovered. Hence, for pigs we must rely on non-morphological criteria. The best criteria for determining domestication in pigs is the reduction in size of the upper and lower third molars. Flannery (1982) has measured teeth in recent domestic and wild specimens as well as for a large number of archaeological specimens from Middle Eastern sites. He found that while the length of the lower and upper third molars in wild and domestic animals overlapped the means were distinct and the overlap was small. The sample of pig remains from Hallan €emi include two measurable lower third molars: they measure 38.4 and 39.0 mm in length. Both of these measurements are in the area of overlap between domestic and wild taxa. Both of these specimens were recovered in from the upper meter of the deposits. An upper second molar measured 21.8 mm in length. This is within the range for the domestic pig. This specimen was recovered three meters down in the area of the central plaza. These measurements, given the published ranges, indicate that the process of domestication may have been underway. Frequently at sites with measurements that are mixed domestic, wild and intermediate the approach taken is that some of the pigs are domestic and some are wild. I think this is not a tenable position - remember we are dealing with a population that is evolving under a new set of selective pressures. In the early phases of the domestication process some of the animals will have the domestic phenotype, some the wild phenotype and some an intermediate phenotype. I would argue that once the domestic phenotype appears the majority of the animals are part of a domestic herd. I need to inject two caveats concerning the measurements. First, the sample of measured teeth is small. These are the only measurable teeth I have to date. The sample of upper and lower third molars is larger but the other specimens are unmeasurable primarily because they are unerupted and, hence, unrooted specimens (see below as regards the high percentage of juveniles). Clearly it would be nice to have a larger sample and when all the material is examined we should have a much larger sample. Second, populations of wild pigs in the Middle East undoubtedly exhibit geographic variation. Further, within a population over the last 10,000 years temporal variation may be a factor. Flannery's (1982) data on the third molars of recent wild pigs indicate that in lowland Iraq and Iran some wild pigs are at the small end of the wild range. Further, Flannery's data indicate that the third molars of wild pigs before 8000 B.C. may have been larger than they are today. We clearly need samples of wild pigs from southeastern Anatolia, archaeological and recent. Fortunately, we can examine other sources of data for evidence of pig domestication at Hallan €emi. The first of these is data on pig survivorship. This figure (Figure 2) presents pig survivorship at Hallan €emi based on long bone fusion data. This is quite different from the sheep-goat and red deer curves (Figure 1). First, note that 29% of the animals consumed are less than 1 year. Indeed, at least 8 of the 77 limb bone fragments that exhibited fusion were from animals that were 3-6 months in age. Second, note that only 35% of the animals consumed had survived more than 3.5 years. This pattern of consumption is one I have found at sites with herds of domestic pigs in Egypt, Iraq and the Palestine. The problem we face is that we do not know what the survivorship curve would look like for consumption of pigs from a hunted population in the Middle East. I assume it would appear much more like the red deer and sheep- goat curves. To date I have only been able to sex seven pig specimens - six were from males and 1 from a female. This sample is small but is strongly male biased. A strong male bias would be congruent with consumption from a domestic herd. Relative abundance of pigs at the site is the last source of evidence on domestication of the pig that I would like to examine. The ratios of sheep-goat to pig, sheep-goat to deer and pig to deer have been calculated for the lower three meters versus the upper one meter of the central plaza. I have excluded the samples of material from the structures because all of these I have are from the upper levels of the site and I have no comparable deposits from the lower three meters. By restricting this analysis to the deposits from the central plaza I eliminate variation due to context. The upper one meter of the central plaza was treated separately because it differs from the lower three meters in associated architecture and exhibits an increase in ground stone artifacts. The ratios for the two samples are provided in Figure 3. Pig increases dramatically relative to the other taxa in the upper one meter of the site and while deer decreases in relative importance. The increased importance of pigs reflects some shift in subsistence tactics and one possible explanation is their full domestication. For the pig at Hallan €emi we have evidence of domestication. In no case is the evidence conclusive, problems exist with the evidence for each criteria. But, all of them are congruent with the early phases of the domestication of pigs. A theoretical basis for early pig domestication Does the possibility of domestication of pigs at Hallan €emi this early make any sense in terms of what we know about the pig and the origin of food production? Researchers working with the problem of the origin of food production have increasingly begun to recognize the role of risk reduction. In 1988 I argued that risk reduction was the major selective force operating to facilitate the shift from hunting and gathering to food production. The concept of adaptive topographies (Stansfield 1977, Dobzhansky 1951, Wright 1932) is applicable here. One may think of hunting and gathering and food production as two peaks in a three dimensional landscape of fitness values (there may be other peaks, but we are not interested in them in this paper). Figure 4. Each of the peaks has a number of crests or ridges associated with it that represent alternative tactics individuals within a population might employ in pursing that strategy. The valley separating the tactics are much less deep than the valleys separating the strategy peaks. The landscape is continually shifting; hence, that tactic that provides the highest fitness may change and the depth of the valleys between peaks is constantly changing. For populations to shift peaks, either the population must move directly from peak to peak or the shape of the landscape must change. (Figure 5) In the first case a major change in human behavior is required to occur almost instantaneously. All behaviors associated with the new strategy would have to appear at once to make the shift possible and viable. Due to the magnitude of behavioral changes needed to shift from, for example, hunting and gathering to food production I would expect shifts between strategies due to macro mutation in behavior to be unlikely. Hence, a shift in strategies requires that the fitness value (height) of one of the peaks be depressed below the fitness of the intervening valley, the fitness value of the valley increases to form a bridge between the two strategies, or some combination of the two events. The factor or factors that caused the fitness value of the hunting and gathering peak to decline have been the subject of considerable debate; population pressure, environment change, cyclical scarcity and many other forces have been offered (for a reasonably complete list see Gebauer and Price 1992). The rise in the fitness level of the valley between the two strategies must be related to the function of the plants and/or animals that were the earliest domesticates. This function was probably unrelated to their use as food since yields would have been low and initial labor costs would have been, relative to hunting or gathering the same resource, high. A bridging function for these early domesticates would be risk reduction. Protected, husbanded wild resources served as insurance against local resource shortfall or failure. This role for early domesticates in reducing risk would have produced a strong selective pressure favoring their use particularly as risk of resource stress increased. Sedentism is one behavior that increases risk. If we ignore the use of plant resources, for the moment, and consider only the potentially domesticateable animals, the pig is the animal most suited to the role of risk reduction. This is the case for at least four reasons: 1) The fecundity and growth rate of pigs makes them the superior producers of protein relative to all other domestic taxa except the chicken (see Redding 1991). Pigs convert 35% of the energy in their feed to meat, compared to 13% for sheep and a mere 6.5% for cattle (Harris 1985). 2) Labor required for pig maintenance is lower than for other taxa. They need not be herded and may forage in and around the village with very little supervision. 3) The young of the pig tame readily and will imprint on humans. 4) Juvenile or neonate pigs are relatively easy to obtain. Females create nests and leave the young during their crepuscular feeding forays. The young remain in these nests for several weeks. If nests are known then it is easy to obtain young. I obtain two piglets in this fashion in Iran in 1976. Charlie Reed (1960) notes he kept two during excavations at Jarmo. Hence, given these characteristics the pig should be the preferred domesticate. But this ignore two factors. The first has already been alluded to: we have ignored plant resources. If the local inhabitants are involved in intensive use of cereals then domestic pigs will not be a major subsistence resouce. Pigs compete directly with humans for cereals and it would require considerable effort to keep pigs away from local stands of grain. Intensive use of cereals or early cereal cultivation are incompatible with pig keeping. The second factor I have ignored is the degree the human population is sedentary. Pigs are difficult to herd and move and would be incompatible with a mobile life style. In fact, pig keeping should be limited to populations that are sedentary. A question that early pig domestication at Hallan €emi raise is, why are pigs replaced by sheep and goats in the southeastern Anatolia and the northern Zagros, as they clearly are, later in the Neolithic? The answer to this question lies in the adoption of domestic grains. As soon as domestic grains become a major subsistence resource I would expect to see use of domestic pigs decline (disappear?) and sheep-goat herding to increase. This is because pigs are direct competitors with humans for cereals and pigs are difficult to control. So, with the introduction of cereals pigs can no longer be left to forage near the village and would require considerable labor to keep them away from fields. Further, they can not be driven long distances to forage. Sheep and goats, on the other hand can be managed in large numbers by one or two individuals and kept away from fields of cereals. They may easily be lead to areas beyond the agricultural limits of the site to forage. With the introduction of cereal agriculture the advantage pigs have over sheep-goat herding disappears. In fact, sheep and goat herding should now be favored. A possible model for pig herding at Hallan €emi may come from the Philippines where pigs are kept by many horticulturists.. The pattern in the Philippines is for female pigs to be reared in the settlement and young retained for consumption. Males are preferentially consumed with females being kept for breeding. Adult males are frequently not kept in the settlement. Females are allowed to breed with wild males inhabiting the area. If this pattern were followed at Hallan €emi or other sites in the Middle East the constant introduction of the wild genes into the domestic population would significantly reduce our ability to identify the early phases of pig domestication using reduction in size of the third molars. Other Sites in the Region Do other Early Neolithic sites in the area provide any support for the early domestication of pig in the southeastern Anatolia and northern Zagros area? €ay”n - The best published faunal data comes from €ay”n. We have two reports by Barbara Lawrence (1980, 1982), a summary of the site by Redman (1978) and one by Braidwood (1982). These sources seem to conflict. Stampfli examined the pig material for Lawrence who reports his findings in her 1980 paper. Based on teeth measurements Stampfli found 11 domestic, 10 wild and 9 questionable specimens. He concludes that the ratio of domestic to wild pigs at €ay”n was about 1:1. I suggested earlier that such a conclusion is probably unwarranted, unless, the wild and domestic specimens are found in different strata. Unfortunately, we do not know which strata the domestic, wild and intermediate specimens were recovered. Lawrence seems to suggest that domestic specimens were found in all levels. But Braidwood (1982) and Redman (1978) clearly believe that the domestic specimens are restricted to the latest levels. Of interest is the relative importance of pigs during the various levels. Lawrence (1982) states that pigs are the dominant taxa in the lower three levels accounting for 45% of the mammal bone. while sheep and goats contribute only 23%. In the upper level pig decline to 15% of the fauna while sheep and goats account for 80%. It is in the upper level when pig declines and sheep and goats increase that domestic wheat comes to dominate the floral samples. Given Hallan €emi one must wonder if the pigs in the lower levels of €ay”n might be domestic. Do we see a continuation of the Hallan €emi subsistence system in the lower levels of €ay”n? Is the decline in pig use and increase in sheep-goat herding in the upper levels related to the adoption of cereals as the major plant resource? Given this I must now admit an unpublished study of the pigs at €ay”n exists which I have not seen. Berrin Kusataman completed a study last year as part of a degree program. I only recently learned of this study and have requested a copy. I eagerly await its arrival. Unfortunately, I have been told that the sample of pig remains is treated without regard to stratigraphy. Zawi €emi Shanidar - Zawi €emi Shanidar is about contemporary with Hallan €emi. The fauna is dominated by sheep and deer (Perkins 1964). Indeed, Perkins has suggested that the sheep were domestic on the basis of the increase in use of sheep in the upper levels of Zawi €emi Shanidar and the high percentage of immature sheep in the sample. What about the pig? Was it domestic? First, we know very little because the pig is only briefly mentioned in the report and no counts or other data is provided for the pig. Clearly the pig was not common. Further, if, as has been suggested, Zawi €emi Shanidar was not occupied year round, but was a seasonal camp, then I would not expect to see domestic pigs. A re- examination of the fauna from Zawi €emi Shanidar might prove interesting particularly if we could determine the yearly length of occupation and develop more data on the pig remains. Jarmo - Jarmo is later than Hallan €emi and Zawi €emi Shanidar. The Jarmo pigs have been extensively studied (Flannery 1982). Based on tooth measurements Flannery described the pigs from the pre-pottery levels as wild and those from the pottery levels as domestic. Unfortunately, no counts or information on survivorship has been published. Reed (1960) suggested that the goats were domestic in the lower levels and domestic cereals were utilized. Hence, I would not expect to see domestic pigs in the lower levels. Interestingly, Flannery suggested that domestic pigs were introduced to Jarmo. Summary Based on survivorship data, sex ratio data and species ratios the pig remains from Hallan €emi are from domestic animals. The metric data also indicate domestication, at least domestication in its very early stages. While each of these sources of evidence on domestication has some problem, the fact that all four suggest domestication is persuasive. A review of the faunal data from other sites in southeastern Anatolia and the northern Zagros suggests that the pig was important just prior to and, in some cases, during the development of food production. The status of pigs at these sites is, at present, confused. For €ay”n, at least, there is some evidence of domestication in the earliest levels. I would suggest that in southeastern Anatolia and the northern Zagros we may have a pattern of the development of food production which is distinct from the Levant. Sedentism develops in the absence of the intensive use of cereals and the earliest domestic animal is the pig. The human subsistence strategy was gathering nuts and other wild plants, hunting sheep, goats, and deer, and maintaining pigs in the settlement as an "insurance resource" to reduce risk. This strategy was utilized until cereal production was adopted; perhaps cereals were introduced from the plains to the south. With the shift to cereals we see a decline in the use of domestic pigs and the appearance of domestic sheep and goats. This reconstruction of the subsistence strategy is extremely tentative. The completion of the analysis of the fauna from Hallan €emi is critical. Will the conclusion that the pigs at Hallan €emi are domestic be sustained? When I began the identification and analysis of the Hallan €emi fauna I planned to focus my search for evidence of domestication on sheep and goats. I have been very resistant to the idea that the pigs may have been domestic. I approached the fauna with a set of expectations shaped by my exposure to two data sets. First, the modern herding system of the Middle East, which is based on sheep, goats, cattle and cereals. Second, the archseological data on early food production from the Levantine and southern Zagros. My "model" was clearly restrictive. The published reports of the other faunas from southeastern Anatolia exhibit, I think, a similar tendency. I think there is a lesson here. Notes: Questions after the talk raised an important issue. Gil Stein and Andrew Garrard asked whether the size decrease and survivorship depression could be due to intensive hunting of pig similar to what Cope (1992) has described for gazelles in the Natufian. While this may be the case, I would like to make the following points: 1) Gazelles were not domesticated, pigs were. Is it likely, or even possible, to hunt so intensively a taxa that can be easily tamed and domesticated? 2) Pig social structure, and in particular herd structure, is different than that of gazelle (Dardallion 1988, Graves and Graves 1977). Male boars are frequently solitary while females and juveniles maintain matriarchal herds for most of the year. 3) Gazelles herds are relatively large (50+) and can be driven and confined with some ease. Pig herds are relatively small - herds of 11 and larger are unusual (Dardallion 1988) - and are difficult to drive. 4) It is difficult to determine the sex of juvenile wild pigs without close inspection. Gazelles exhibit strong sexual dimorphism in horn size after their first year and hence individuals can be sexed from a distance. Literature Cited Braidwood, R.J. and H. €ambel. 1982. The €ay”n excavations. In, Prehistoric Village Archaeology in South-Eastern Turkey. L.S. Braidwood and R.J. Braidwood, eds. BAR, International Series. 138: 1-13. Cope, C. 1991. Gazelle hunting strategies in the southern Levant. In, The Natufian Culture in the Levant. O. Bar-Yosef and F.R. Valla, eds. International Monographs in Prehistory, Archaeological Series, 1. Dardallion, M. 1988. Wild boar social groupings and their seasonal changes in the Camargue, southern France. Zeit. fr S„ugetierkunde, 53:22-30. Dobzhansky, T. 1951. Genetics and the origin of species, 3rd ed., revised. Columbia Univ. 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Slaughter patterns and domestication: the beginnings of pastoralism in western Iran. Man, 17:403-17. Lawrence, B. 1980. Evidences of animal domestication at €ay”n. In, Prehistoric research in southeastern Anatolia. H. €ambel and R.J. Braidwood, eds. Istanbul Univ., faculty of letters, 2589:285-308. 1982. Principal food animals at €ay”n. In, Prehistoric Village Archaeology in South-Eastern Turkey. L.S. Braidwood and R.J. Braidwood eds. BAR, International Series. 138: 175-199. Meadow, R.H. 1989. Osteological evidence for the process of animal domestication. In, The walking larder: patterns of domestication, pastoralism and predation. J. Clutton-Brock, ed. Unwin Hyman, London, pp80-90. Perkins, D. 1964. Prehistoric fauna from Shanidar, Iraq. Science, 144:1565-66 Redman, C.L. 1978. The rise of civilization. W.H. Freeman and Co., San Francisco. Redding, R.W. 1988. A general explanation of subsistence change: from hunting and gathering to food production. Jour. of Anthropological Archaeology, 7:56-97. 1991. The role of the pig in the subsistence system of ancient Egypt: a parable on the potential of faunal data. In, Animal use and Culture Change. P.J. Crabtree and K Ryan, eds. The University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology, Supplement 8: 20-30. Reed, C.A. 1960. A review of the archaeological evidence on animal domestication in the prehistoric Near East. In, Prehistoric investigations on Iraqi Kurdistan. R.J. Braidwood and B. Howe, eds. Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, Studies in Oriental Civilization, 31: 119-145. Schaller, G.B. 1977. Mountain monarchs: wild sheep and goats of the Himalaya. Univ. of Chicago Press, Chicago. Stansfield, W.D. 1977. The science of evolution. Macmillian, New York. Wright, S. 1932. The roles of mutation, inbreeding, crossbreeding, and selection in evolution. Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress, G 1:356-366. Figure 1 ============================== ______________________________ ============================== Figure 2 ============================== ______________________________ ============================== Figure 3 NISP for sheep-goat, deer and pig presented by the upper one meter and lower three meters at Hallan €emi Levels Taxa Sheep-goat Pig Deer Upper meter 89 79 31 Lower three 648 187 500 meters Species ratios for sheep-goat, deer and pig presented by the upper one meter and lower three meters at Hallan €emi Levels Ratios Sheep-goat/pig Sheep-goat/deer Pig/deer Upper meter 1.13:1 2.87:1 2.55:1 Lower three 3.46:1 1.30:1 0.37:1 meters Figure 4 Figure 5 ============================== ______________________________ ==============================